Author: Alexis Dimitriadis
Supervisors: Anthony Kroch and Maribel Romero
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This dissertation examines problems in the semantics of
reciprocals and pronouns bound by non-quantificational NPs, and investigates
their semantic analysis as individual-valued functions rather than as simple
variables. The main concern is
the analysis of so-called “long-distance” reciprocals, in which the local
antecedent of the reciprocal is a pronoun dependent on a higher antecedent:
(i) John
and Mary think they like each other.
The standard “scopal” analysis of such
constructions (Heim et al. 1991a, and many others) is to let the reciprocal be
bound by a distributive operator that also binds the local antecedent of the
reciprocal. It is shown here that
because the binder of the reciprocal determines its range, the scopal analysis
cannot account for new examples in which the local antecedent of the
reciprocal is not bound by a coreferring, c-commanding antecedent.
It is argued that the correct semantics for such constructions is
always determined by the local antecedent of the reciprocal.
I propose that all dependent pronouns should be
translated as functions in the manner of
Engdahl (1986), and argue for an enriched representation that includes
domains. The range of a
reciprocal is then obtained by applying a maximality operator to the
restricted function representing its local antecedent.
This analysis always interprets reciprocals locally, eliminating the
need for a “scopal” treatment.
The Variable-Free Semantics of Jacobson (1999a), which
I adopt in the final chapter, is particularly well-suited to this analysis
since it allows direct access to the reference function of pronouns.
It also makes possible a uniform treatment of examples involving a
variety of local antecedent types, including “paycheck” pronouns and
complex NPs that contain a dependent pronoun.
I discuss the interaction of the scope issue with other
aspects of reciprocal semantics, including weak reciprocity, collective
action, types of reciprocal relations, and exceptions (non-maximality).
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